中國隨著投資下滑加劇，經濟正經歷歷史性轉變（1/2）

Recently the New York Times reported the following:

Historic Shift Underway in China’s Economy as Investment Slump Deepens (1/2)

Investment in manufacturing, infrastructure and property is expected to fall this year, a remarkable turn for an economy whose growth reshaped the world.

By Daisuke Wakabayashi and Amy Chang Chien

Dec. 12, 2025

For the past three decades, as China’s economy has developed into a global powerhouse, investment has grown reliably each year.

That is about to change. This year, China’s investments in assets like new factories, public infrastructure and housing are expected to fall for the first time since the late 1980s, ushering in a more conservative era for an economy that has reshaped the global order with years of robust growth.

The shift also signals that investing in China is no longer a surefire bet, even as Beijing continues to project confidence with economic growth estimates of 5 percent. But, as is often the case with the country’s economic data, the investment slump has raised more questions than answers.

A real estate crisis in China has dragged on for five years with no end in sight, sapping the strength from one of the economy’s pillars. Local governments, strapped for cash because of the property downturn, are not pouring money into infrastructure projects as they did during previous periods of economic malaise. Beijing’s crackdown on excessive competition among Chinese manufacturers has chilled the climate for capital investment to fuel expansion.

From January to October, a broad measure called fixed-asset investment has fallen 1.7 percent from the same period last year. The slide began in the second half of this year and accelerated with a sharp, double-digit decline in October. Analysts believe that investment dipped again in November, with that data scheduled to be released on Monday.

Investment in property, infrastructure and manufacturing — the three major components that make up the figure — are all declining at the same time. In the past, a downturn in one area was offset by spending in another segment. It is rare for all three pillars of investment to fall at once. The government typically has stepped in to manage downturns by bolstering real estate or spending lavishly on infrastructure. Beijing has been reluctant to act boldly this year to help.

“This is a historically significant change,” said Dan Wang, a director on Eurasia Group’s China team. “This is a different style of managing the economy in the short term.”

Ms. Wang said that this more passive approach suggests Chinese leaders are confident in the continued strength of exports, which have fueled a record trade surplus despite rising protectionism and growing global concern about the flood of inexpensive Chinese goods.

Instead of pumping money into the economy by building more airports and high-speed railroad stations, highways and bridges, local governments are holding back. And for the property sector, there has been no industrywide bailout or comprehensive plan to spur real estate investment.

The investment drought is playing out urgently in the boardrooms of China Vanke, one of the country’s largest property developers, which is now teetering on the edge of possible financial collapse.

Vanke, unable to pay its debts, has leaned on its top shareholder, the state-owned firm Shenzhen Metro, to cover its debt obligations. But last month it asked bondholders to delay repayment of a bond for the first time, signaling that state financial support may have reached its limit. A deadline on some of its debt looms on Monday, and Vanke may need creditors to accept a delay in getting paid.

Chinese officials have started to show some alarm at the plunge in investment, which was listed as a policy priority for 2026 in a plan announced on Thursday by Xi Jinping, China’s top leader.

The deep problems in the property sector — too many apartments and long-running drops in their value — have shaken business confidence.

(to be continued)

Translation

中國隨著投資下滑加劇，經濟正經歷歷史性轉變（1/2）

今年製造業、基礎設施和房地產投資預計將出現下滑，這對於一個曾經以強勁成長重塑世界格局的經濟體而言，無疑是一個顯著的轉變。

過去三十年來，隨著中國經濟發展成為全球經濟強國，投資額每年都穩定增長。

但這種情況即將改變。預計今年中國對新建工廠、公共基礎設施和住房等資產的投資將出現自上世紀80年代末以來的首次下滑，這標誌著這個曾以多年強勁增長重塑全球秩序的經濟體，即將步入一個更為保守的時代。

這項轉變也顯示，即便北京方面仍對5%的經濟成長預期充滿信心，投資中國也不再是穩賺不賠的買賣。但正如經常出現於該國經濟數據的情況一樣，投資低迷所引發的問題遠多於答案。

中國的房地產危機已持續五年之久，至今仍未見盡頭，嚴重削弱了經濟支柱產業之一的活力。由於房地產市場低迷，地方政府資金緊張，不像以往經濟低迷時期那樣大力投資基礎建設項目。北京對中國製造業過度競爭的打擊，也抑制了以資本投資去推動經濟擴張的氛圍。

今年1月至10月，一項名為固定資產投資的綜合指標較去年同期下降1.7%。下滑趨勢始於今年下半年，並在10月加速，出現兩位數的急遽下降。分析師認為，11月的投資再次下滑，相關數據將於週一公佈。

構成固定資產投資的三大主要組成部分 - 房地產、基礎設施和製造業的投資 - 都出現同步下降。過去，某一領域的下滑通常會被其他領域的支出所抵銷。三大投資支柱同時下滑的情況實屬罕見。政府通常會透過扶持房地產或大力投資基礎設施來應對經濟下滑。但今年，北京方面一直不願採取大膽的措施來扶持經濟。

歐亞集團中國團隊總監Dan Wang表示:“這是一個具有歷史意義的重大轉變”，“這是一種不同的短期經濟管控方式。”

Wang女士指出，這種更被動的做法表明，中國領導人對出口的持續強勁增長充滿信心。儘管保護主義抬頭，全球對中國廉價商品湧入市場日益擔憂，但出口仍推動了中國創紀錄的貿易順差。

地方政府並沒有像以往那樣建造更多機場、高鐵站、高速公路和橋樑來刺激經濟，而是選擇按兵不動。對於房地產行業，政府既沒有推出行業全面的救助計劃，也沒有制定刺激房地產投資的綜合方案。

投資匱乏的困境正在中國萬科的董事會中迅速顯現。它是中國最大的房地產開發商之一, 這家公司目前正處於可能破產的邊緣。

萬科無力償還債務，只能依靠其最大股東 - 國營企業深圳地鐵 - 來承擔債務。但上個月，萬科首次要求債券持有人延期償還債券，顯示國家財政支持可能達到極限。部分債務的最後期限是週一，萬科可能需要債權人接受延期付款。

中國官員已開始對投資暴跌表示擔憂。中國最高領導人習近平週四宣布的2026年發展計畫中，將投資列為重點政策。

房地產行業的深層問題 - 公寓過剩和房價長期下跌 - 動搖了商業信心。

（待續）

考古學家發現最古老的生火證據（2/2）

Recently the New York Times reported the following:

Archaeologists Find Oldest Evidence of Fire-Making (2/2)

Neanderthals 400,000 years ago were striking flints to make fires, researchers have found.

By Carl Zimmer

Dec. 10, 2025

(continue)

For years afterward, the researchers returned to Barnham hoping to tackle that question, without any further success. Finally, on a summer day in 2021, Dr. Ashton had a thought. As he prepared to take a nap under an oak tree, he recalled how, a couple of years earlier, he had glimpsed an intriguing streak of red clay. The nap could wait.

“I thought, I’ll have a little poke around,” Dr. Ashton said.

He found the red streak, and quickly realized that it was a two-foot-wide band of burned ancient soil. Had humans burned it, or had lighting? Dr. Ashton and his colleagues put the two possibilities to a test.

Over the next four years, they analyzed the chemistry of the sediment, while conducting further digs around it. Eventually they determined that, about 400,000 years ago, the site had been a watering hole, which Neanderthals probably visited in search of game.

A wildfire would have left evidence far from the site, but the researchers found none. What’s more, the same patch had been burned repeatedly over the course of decades. And the fires there reached intense temperatures and burned for hours. The researchers grew increasingly certain that generations of Neanderthals had intentionally set fires at Barnham.

A last major clue came to light with the discovery of pieces of pyrite alongside heat-shattered flints. Anthropologists have documented many groups of hunter-gatherers around the world who make fires by striking pyrite against flint.

All the more notable, Dr. Ashton said, was that the rocks for miles around Barnham don’t contain pyrite. He speculated that the fire-making Neanderthals must have brought pieces of it to Barnham. The nearest known source of the mineral is some 40 miles to the east.

The pyrite was “the icing on the cake,” said Ségolène Vandevelde, an archaeologist at the University of Quebec in Chicoutimi who was not involved in the new study. “Altogether, it’s a really convincing case.”

But a question remains: How widespread was fire-making 400,000 years ago?

Perhaps not very, said Michael Chazan, an anthropologist at the University of Toronto who was not involved in the research. Other Neanderthals across Europe and the Near East might still have been collecting their embers from natural fires. Only at a place like Barnham did they have the right opportunity to learn how to make fires.

“This experiment seems to be local in scope,” Dr. Chazan said. “It still stands to reason that many Neanderthal groups did not have access to materials that could be used to strike a light.”

Dr. Ashton is more optimistic. He speculated that fire-making might have become widespread hundreds of thousands of years ago, not just among Neanderthals, but also among Denisovans in Asia and modern humans in Africa. Anyone encountering people who had mastered fire would have wanted to copy them.

“Once something suddenly takes off, I think it will spread very quickly,” Dr. Ashton said.

For the time being, Barnham remains the only place known for any evidence of fire-making hundreds of thousands of years ago. But that isn’t proof that the practice was rare at the time, Dr. Ashton said. After all, it had taken years of field work at Barnham to uncover the telling evidence. Similar efforts could reveal other Barnhams elsewhere in the world.

“One lesson that archaeology has taught me is that the more effort you put in, the more reward you get,” Dr. Ashton said.

Translation

考古學家發現最古老的生火證據（2/2）

研究人員發現，40萬年前的尼安德塔人就已經開始敲擊燧石生火了。

（繼續）

此後多年，研究人員多次重返Barnham，希望能解開謎團，但始終沒有任何進展。終於在2021年的一個夏日，Ashton博士突然有個想法。當時他正準備在一棵橡樹下小憩，突然想起幾年前曾瞥見一條引人注目的紅色黏土帶。午睡小憩可以等等先。

Ashton博士說: 「我想，不如去稍稍探索一下」。

他找到了那條紅色黏土帶，並很快意識到這是一條兩英尺寬的古代燒焦土壤帶。它是人類燒的，還是閃電燒的？Ashton博士和他的同事們對這兩種可能性進行了驗證。

在接下來的四年裡，他們分析了沉積物的化學成分，並在周圍進行了進一步的挖掘。最終，他們確定，大約40萬年前，這裡曾經是一個水坑，尼安德塔人可能曾經來此尋找獵物。

野生的火應會在遠離遺址的地方留下一些痕跡，但研究人員卻無發現。更重要的是，同一片區域在數十年間反覆燃燒。而且，那裡的火勢非常猛烈，持續燃燒了幾個小時。研究人員越來越確信，一代又一代的尼安德塔人曾在Barnham有意識地生火。

最後一個重要線索是，在被高溫裂碎的燧石旁發現了黃鐵礦碎片。人類學家記錄了世界各地許多狩獵採集群體用黃鐵礦敲擊燧石生火的習俗。

Ashton博士指出，更值得注意的是，Barnham周圍數英里範圍內的岩石都不含黃鐵礦。他推測，會生火的尼安德塔人一定把這種礦物帶到了Barnham。目前已知最近的這種礦物產地位於Barnham以東約40英里處。

魁北克大學希庫蒂米分校的考古學家Ségolène Vandevelde說，黃鐵礦是「把說服力再提升」。她並未參與這項新研究。 “總而言之，這是一個非常有說服力的論點。”

但問題依然存在：40萬年前，生火的普及程度究竟如何？

多倫多大學的人類學家Michael Chazan說，或許並不普遍, 他沒有參與這項研究。歐洲和近東其他地區的尼安德特人可能仍在收集天然火堆的餘燼。只有在像 Barnham 這樣的地方，他們才有適當的機會去學習如何生火。

Chazan博士說： “這項實驗似乎僅限於當地”; “由此仍然可以看出，許多尼安德特人群體無法獲得可以用來生火的材料。”

Ashton博士則較為樂觀。他推測，生火技術可能在數十萬年前就已經廣泛傳播，不僅在尼安德特人中，在亞洲的丹尼索瓦人和非洲的現代人中也同樣如此。任何人遇到會掌握用火之人，都會想作出效仿。

Ashton博士說: 「一旦某種技術突然流行起來，我認為它會迅速傳播開來」。

目前，Barnham遺址仍然是已知唯一發現數十萬年前生火證據的地方。但Ashton博士表示，這並不能證明當時生火技術十分罕見。畢竟，在Barnham遺址進行了多年的實地考察才發現了這些關鍵證據。類似的努力或許能在世界其他地方發現其他類似Barnham的遺址。

Ashton博士說: 「考古學教會我的一個道理是，付出越大，收穫越多」。

So, a group of Neanderthals has used flint and pyrite to make fires time after time over several generations some 400,000 years ago. This new finding indicates that fire making in human history occurred much earlier than we have thought. Yet this finding doesn’t prove that the practice was rare at the time. After all, it has taken years of field work at Barnham to uncover the telling evidence. Probably, similar efforts could reveal other sites somewhere in the world.

考古學家發現生火最古老的證據（1/2）

 Recently the New York Times reported the following:

 Archaeologists Find Oldest Evidence of Fire-Making (1/2)

Neanderthals 400,000 years ago were striking flints to make fires, researchers have found.

By Carl Zimmer

Dec. 10, 2025

Some 400,000 years ago, in what is now eastern England, a group of Neanderthals used flint and pyrite to make fires by a watering hole — not just once, but time after time, over several generations.

That is the conclusion of a study published on Wednesday in the journal Nature. Previously, the oldest known evidence of humans making fires dated back just 50,000 years. The new finding indicates that this critical step in human history occurred much earlier.

“A lot of people had a hunch that they were making fire at this date,” said Nick Ashton, an archaeologist at the British Museum and an author of the study. “But now we can convincingly say, ‘Yeah, this was the case.’”

From Charles Darwin on, biologists have looked upon the mastery of fire as a hallmark in the evolution of our species. Early humans may have first used fire to cook their food. That advance let them improve their diet, by removing toxins from food and making it easier to absorb nutrients from their meals. Fires may have also kept them warm at night and kept predators at bay.

Later, they found new uses for fire. They cooked tree bark to create glue, which they used to anchor stone spear tips to wooden shafts. And starting about 10,000 years ago, humans began making fires to smelt copper and other metals, ushering in civilization.

As important as fire has been to our species, tracing its early history has proved an immense challenge. Rain can wash away ash and charcoal, erasing the evidence of a fire. Even when scientists do uncover the rare trace of an ancient blaze, it can be hard to determine whether it was created by people or ignited by lightning.

The oldest evidence for human ancestors using fire, dating back to between 1 million and 1.5 million years ago, comes from a cave in South Africa. Human ancestors left behind tens of thousands of fragments of bones from the animals they butchered to eat. Of those fragments, 270 show signs of having been burned in a fire.

But clues like these don’t offer clear proof that those ancient people knew how to make a fire. They may have just stumbled across a wildfire from time to time, and figured out ways to take advantage of it. They might have learned to light a stick from the fire, and then carry the ember back to their cave to cook a meal.

But that approach had its limits, Dr. Ashton noted. “You’re dependent on local lightning strikes,” he said. “It’s very unpredictable, and you can’t rely on it.”

A crucial step took place when early humans figured out how to make fires on demand, either by using rocks to create sparks or rubbing a piece of wood until the friction started a flame. “Once you can make fire, all those problems evaporate,” Dr. Ashton said.

Dr. Ashton and his colleagues caught their first glimpse of ancient fires in 2013, as they were digging at an archaeological site called Barnham in eastern England. For decades, researchers had found ancient tools and other signs of early humans there. In 2013, Dr. Ashton and his colleagues found something new: pieces of oddly broken flint.

Only an intense heat could have shattered the hard rocks. But Dr. Ashton and his colleagues couldn’t determine if the fire that broke the Barnham flints had been created by humans or lightning.

(to be continued)

Translation

考古學家發現生火最古老的證據（1/2）

研究人員發現，40萬年前的尼安德塔人就已經開始敲擊燧石生火。

大約40萬年前，在現今的英格蘭東部，一群尼安德特人使用燧石和黃鐵礦在水坑旁生火 - 而且不只一次，而是持續了好幾代。

這是周三發表在《自然》雜誌上的一項研究得出的結論。此前，已知人類生火的最古老證據只能追溯到5萬年前。這項新發現表明，人類歷史上的這一關鍵步驟發生得更早。

大英博物館考古學家、該研究的作者之一Nick Ashton說道:「很多人都曾猜測他們在那個時期就已經會生火了」;「但現在我們可以肯定地說，’沒錯，情況確實如此’」。

從達爾文開始，生物學家就將掌握火視為人類演化史上的一大標誌。早期人類可能最初用火來烹煮食物。這項進步使他們能夠改善飲食，去除食物中的毒素，並更容易吸收營養。火或許還能讓他們在夜間取暖，抵禦捕食者。

後來，他們發現了火的新用途。他們燒製樹皮製成膠水，用來將石矛尖固定在木桿上。大約一萬年前，人類開始用火冶煉銅和其他金屬，由此開啟了文明的篇章。

儘管火對我們人類來說至關重要，但追溯其早期歷史卻是一項巨大的挑戰。雨水會沖刷掉灰燼和木炭，抹去生火的痕跡。即使科學家發現了罕見的古代火災痕跡，也很難確定它是人為造成的還是雷擊引發的。

人類祖先使用火的最古老證據可以追溯到100萬至150萬年前，發現於南非的一個洞穴中。人類祖先留下了數萬塊他們宰殺食用動物的骨頭碎片。在這些碎片中，有270塊顯示出被火燒過的痕跡。

但諸如此類的線索並不能提供確鑿的證據證明古代人懂得如何生火。他們可能只是偶爾偶然遇到野火，並想辦法利用它。他們或許學會了用火點燃一根木棍，然後把餘燄未盡的木塊帶回洞穴煮食。

但Ashton博士指出，這種方法也有其限制。 他說:“你要依賴當地的雷擊”，“它是非常難以預測，你不能依靠它” 。

至關重要的一步出現是, 早期人類掌握了按需生火的方法，無論是用石頭產生火花，或是摩擦木頭直至開始產生火頭。 Ashton博士說: 「一旦學會生火，所有的問題都迎刃而解」。

2013年，Ashton博士和他的同事在英格蘭東部的Barnham考古遺址進行挖掘時，首次發現了古代火的痕跡。幾十年來，研究人員一直在那裡發現古代工具和其他早期人類活動的痕跡。 2013年，Ashton博士和他的同事有了新的發現：一些不尋地常破碎的燧石。

只有極高的溫度才能使這些堅硬的石碎開。但Ashton博士和他的同事無法確定， Barnham燧石的破碎是由人類活動還是閃電引起的。

（待續）

【分析】特朗普的國家安全戰略是對其前任所建立的世界秩序的徹底否定（2/2）

Recently Google News on-line picked up the following:

[Analysis] Trump’s National Security Strategy is a dramatic rejection of the world order his predecessors created (2/2)

The Globe and Mail - 8 Dec 2025

Analysis

By David Shribman - Special to The Globe and Mail (a Canadian newspaper printed in five cities in western and central Canada)

(continue)

Even George H.W. Bush’s grandly titled “New World Order,” set forth in a 1991 speech before Congress, didn’t remotely approach Mr. Trump’s panoramic new vision. The Bush conception of a “new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind – peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law,” and his plea that “such is a world worthy of our struggle and worthy of our children’s future,” could seamlessly be added to the text of John F. Kennedy’s 1963 “peace speech” without a soul discerning the intrusion.

If earlier presidents can be accused of thematic plagiarism from their predecessors, then Mr. Trump can be accused of a heist of Robert Graves’s 1929 dip into disillusionment, in an autobiography written a decade after the end of the First World War and titled Good-Bye to All That.

This “goodbye” comes in perhaps the most remarkable written passage in modern American foreign policy, with implications even greater than Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, drafted during the worldwide conflict that so alienated Mr. Graves.

“Our elites badly miscalculated America’s willingness to shoulder forever global burdens to which the American people saw no connection to the national interest,” the 2025 statement argues. “They overestimated America’s ability to fund, simultaneously, a massive welfare-regulatory-administrative state alongside a massive military, diplomatic, intelligence, and foreign aid complex. They placed hugely misguided and destructive bets on globalism and so-called ‘free trade’ that hollowed out the very middle class and industrial base on which American economic and military preeminence depend. They allowed allies and partners to offload the cost of their defense onto the American people, and sometimes to suck us into conflicts and controversies central to their interests but peripheral or irrelevant to our own.”

One element of the Trump doctrine has powerful antecedents in American life: disdain for Europe, a notion dating to the poet Philip Freneau’s 1784 critique of “Europe’s proud, despotic shores.”

Even so, as late as the mid-1960s, American schools gave far more emphasis to teaching French (spoken by a mere six million people in the Western Hemisphere, principally in Quebec) than Spanish (spoken by as many as 200 million in the hemisphere). This was because French was explicitly regarded as the language of diplomacy and spoken by elites from Chopin to Churchill throughout the continent that Mr. Trump has singled out for facing the “stark prospect of civilizational erasure.”

One signal departure: James Monroe didn’t call his 1823 vow to keep European interests from the Western Hemisphere the Monroe Doctrine, Harry Truman didn’t call his 1947 pledge to support nations battling communism the Truman Doctrine, and Mr. Nixon didn’t call his 1969 pledge to honour existing commitments the Nixon Doctrine.

But this document, in classic Trump self-promotion, plainly speaks of the Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. If the “Trump Corollary” term were added to embellish the President’s image and to establish him as a major figure in American history, it was completely unnecessary. Both this document and the precedent-shattering of the first year of his second term have done that with dramatic effectiveness and steely efficiency.

Translation

特朗普的國家安全戰略是對其前任所建立的世界秩序的徹底否定（2/2）

（繼續）

即使是老布殊在1991年國會演講中提出的、標題宏大的“新世界秩序”，也遠不及特朗普的宏偉新願景。老布殊構想的“新世界秩序，即不同國家為了共同的目標走到一起，實現人類的普遍願望 - 和平與安全、自由和法治”，以及他呼籲“這樣的世界值得我們為它奮鬥，也值得我們子孫後代的未來”，可完全無縫地添加到約翰·F·甘迺迪1963年 的 “和平演講” 中，而不會察覺到任何突兀之處。

如果說之前的總統可以被指責抄襲前人的主題，那麼特朗普也可以被指責剽竊了Robert Graves在1929年陷入失望的自傳《告別這一切》（Good-Bye to All That）中的論述。Robert Graves在第一次世界大戰結束十年後寫下了這部自傳。

這個「告別」或許出自現代美國外交政策中最引人注目的文字，影響甚至超過了Woodrow Wilson在世界大戰期間起草, 令Graves深感反感的「十四點原則」。

2025年的聲明如此寫道: 「我們的精英十分錯誤地估計美國願意永遠承擔全球重擔的意願，而美國人民認為這些重擔與國家利益毫無關聯」。「他們高估了美國同時維持龐大的福利、監管和行政體係以及龐大的軍事、外交、情報和對外援助體系的能力。精英們對全球化和所謂的「自由貿易」進行了極其錯誤且具有破壞性的押注，導緻美國賴以維持經濟和軍事霸權的中產階級和工業基礎被掏空。他們允許盟友和夥伴將國防開支轉嫁給美國人民，有時甚至將我們拖入對他們自身利益至關重要, 但對我們美國自身利益無關緊要的衝突和爭議中」。

特朗普主義的一個要素在美國社會有著深遠的淵源：對歐洲的蔑視。這個概念可以追溯到詩人Philip Freneau 1784 年對「歐洲驕傲的專制海岸」的批判。

即便如此，直到1960年代中期，美國學校仍然更重視法語（西半球僅有600萬人使用，主要集中在魁北克省）的學習，而非西班牙語（西半球有多達2億人使用）。這是因為法語被明確視為外交語言，從蕭邦到邱吉爾，整個歐洲大陸的精英都使用法語，而特朗普特別指出，該地區正面臨「文明被抹掉的嚴峻前景」。

一個顯著的例外是：James Monroe並沒有將他1823年關於阻止歐洲利益染指西半球的承諾稱為“門羅主義”，Harry Truman也沒有將他1947年關於支持與共產主義作鬥爭的國家的承諾稱為“杜魯門主義”，Nixon也沒有將他1969年關於履行現有誓約的承諾稱為“尼克遜主義”。

但這份文件，以典型的特朗普式自我宣傳手法，直白地提出了「特朗普對門羅主義的附加條款」。如果「特朗普附加條款」一詞的加入是為了美化總統形象，將他塑造成美國歷史上的重要人物，那完全沒有必要。這份文件以及他第二任期第一年打破先例的種種舉措，已經以驚人的效力和堅定的效率達到了這一目的。

So, Donald Trump is taking steps to change world politics. David Shribman concludes that Trump’s 33-page National Security Strategy document amounts to a repudiation of the core precepts of three-quarters of a century of American foreign policy, and the world order that Mr. Trump’s predecessors have created. Apparently, Trump is still very interest in keeping a strong US presence globally from a new perspective: trying to acquire Greenland to protect American interests, deterring Chinese expansion by arming Taiwan, trying to “clean up” the mess in south American countries, the backyard of the US.

【分析】特朗普的國家安全戰略是對其前任建立的世界秩序的徹底否定（1/2）

Recently Google News on-line picked up the following:

[Analysis] Trump’s National Security Strategy is a dramatic rejection of the world order his predecessors created (1/2)

The Globe and Mail - 8 Dec 2025

Analysis

By David Shribman - Special to The Globe and Mail  (a Canadian newspaper printed in five cities in western and central Canada)

Having disrupted American politics, Donald Trump now is taking his most decisive step yet to disrupt world politics.

A 33-page National Security Strategy document released by his administration late last week amounts to a repudiation of the core precepts of three-quarters of a century of American foreign policy, a scathing critique of recent American history, a rejection of central elements of the country’s political character, and a strong indictment of the assumptions, institutions and byways of the world order that Mr. Trump’s predecessors created.

The Trump administration’s statement of national-security priorities, required by a 1986 law, is a disavowal of many if not all of the characteristics of global power that – in a great irony – permit Mr. Trump to have the military, economic and cultural assets and independence to reject them.

Mr. Trump’s policy pronouncement is a radical document, the most dramatic American statement since the Marshall Plan, which rebuilt a Europe devastated by the Second World War, one of the building blocks of the world order Mr. Trump seems determined to replace. Indeed, in toppling those building blocks, the American President has tipped and perhaps toppled many of the foundation stones of nations around the globe, especially in North America and Europe.

No single element of this statement – the call for “Burden-Sharing and Burden-Shifting,” the “Predisposition to Non-Interventionism,” and the assertion that “The Era of Mass Migration Is Over,” all subheadlines to sections of the document – would be unfamiliar to any observer of American life since Mr. Trump announced his first campaign for the presidency a decade ago.

But what is striking, and consequential, is the accumulation of these elements, one after the other, in a coherently assembled document that heralds the end of an era and the withdrawal of a broad-shouldered, incomparably wealthy, peerlessly powerful country from the role it soldered together and, until now, literally soldiered to preserve.

This great departure, expressed in a document of disdain and disengagement that mentions Canada only glancingly, means that that project is over.

Previous presidents have proclaimed subtle shifts in American foreign policy – Richard Nixon’s 1973 “Year of Europe,” for example, or Barack Obama’s 2011 “Pivot to Asia” – but none has formally set out so comprehensive an overhaul of the country’s diplomatic and national-security approach as this.

In one document, Mr. Trump, who has made a career saying things not said, is pledging to do things not done. Or, more precisely, to undo what his forerunners worked to do. It is as if Mr. Trump were heeding a mythical chorus of presidential predecessors, singing one of the signature lines of the traditional American folk ballad Rising Sun Blues: “Tell your children not to do what I have done.”

All the other great departures in modern American history – interventions in Korea and Vietnam, diplomatic relations with China, détente with Soviet Russia, armed intervention in support of Kuwait after Iraq’s 1990 invasion – were in service of the established goals of the United States: engagement to preserve the post-Second World War order.

(to be continued)

Translation

【分析】特朗普的國家安全戰略是對其前任建立的世界秩序的徹底否定（1/2）

 特朗普在擾亂美國政治之後，如今正採取迄今為止最果斷的舉措來干擾世界政治。

上週晚些時候，他的政府發佈了一份長達33頁的《國家安全戰略》文件，這份文件否定了美國近75年來外交政策的核心原則，對美國近代史進行了尖銳的批判，否定了美國政治性格的核心要素，並強烈譴責了特朗普的前任們所建立的世界秩序的假設、制度和運作方式。

特朗普政府依據1986年法律發佈的國家安全優先事項聲明，否定了全球強權的諸多特徵，即便並非全部。但諷刺的是，正是這些特徵賦予了特朗普軍事、經濟和文化資產以及否定它們的獨立性。

特朗普的政策聲明是一份激進的文件，是自馬歇爾計劃以來美國最引人注目的聲明。馬歇爾計劃重建了二戰後滿目瘡痍的歐洲，而這世界秩序的基石正是特朗普似乎決心要取代之一。事實上，這位美國總統在推翻這些基石的同時，也動搖甚至可能摧毀了世界各國的諸多根基，尤其是北美和歐洲國家。

這份聲明中的任何一個要素 - 呼籲「分擔和轉移負擔」、「傾向不干涉主義」以及斷言「大規模移民時代已經結束」（這些都是文件各部分的副標題） - 對於任何一位自十年前特朗普宣布首次競選總統以來就關注美國生活的人來說，都會感到陌生。

然而，真正引人注目且意義深遠的是，這些要素被一一串聯起來，構成了一份條理清晰的文件，它預示著一個時代的終結，以及一個肩負重任、無比富裕、實力超群的國家從它一手締造、並且直到現在仍在浴血奮戰以維護的國家的角色中退出。

這份充滿蔑視和角色退出的聲明，對加拿大是輕描淡寫地一筆帶過而已，它所表達的重大轉變，意味著那個計劃已經結束。

以往的總統也曾宣布過美國外交政策的微妙轉變,  例如尼克遜1973年的“歐洲年”，或奧巴馬2011年的“重返亞洲”戰略 - 但沒有哪位總統像特朗普這樣，正式提出如此全面徹底地改革美國的外交和國家安全方針。

在一份文件中，一直以來都以說出別人沒說過的話而開創事業的特朗普，承諾要做以前從未做過的事。或者更準確地說，是要推翻他的前任所做的一切。這彷彿是特朗普在遵循前輩總統的某種神話合唱的號召，唱著美國傳統民謠《旭日藍調》中的一句經典歌詞：“告訴你的孩子們，不要重蹈我的覆轍。”

美國現代歷史上所有其他重大舉措 - 介入韓戰和越戰、與中國建立外交關係、與蘇聯緩和關係、在1990年伊拉克入侵科威特後進行武裝幹預 - 都是為了維護美國既定的目標：維護二戰後的國際秩序。

（待續）

Note:

1. The Globe and Mail is a Canadian newspaper printed in five cities in western and central Canada. With a weekly readership of more than 6 million in 2024, it is Canada's most widely read newspaper on weekdays and Saturdays, although it falls slightly behind the Toronto Star in overall weekly circulation because the Star publishes a Sunday edition, whereas the Globe does not. The Globe and Mail is regarded by some as Canada's "newspaper of record".(Wikipedia)

2. Georgia Turner (1921–1969), an American folk singer, is renowned for her early recording of "Rising Sun Blues" 《旭日藍調》in 1937, which Alan Lomax produced. Her rendition, later known as "House Of The Rising Sun," has become a standard adaptation, inspiring covers by numerous artists. Despite facing economic challenges, Turner's contribution to folk music was recognized through royalties arranged by Lomax, and her performance was rereleased in 2003, solidifying her legacy. (Wikipedia)

U.S. Secretary of Defense: "We will prioritize deterring China and increasing the burden on allies."

 Recently NHK News on-line reported the following:

米国防長官 “中国の抑止や同盟国の負担増 優先的に取り組む”

2025年12月7日午後1時53分

アメリカ

アメリカのヘグセス国防長官は6日の演説で、中国の抑止や同盟国の負担増に優先的に取り組む方針を示し、NATO＝北大西洋条約機構と同じように国防費などの割合をGDP＝国内総生産の5％に引き上げるよう、インド太平洋地域の同盟国にも求めていく考えを強調しました。

アメリカのヘグセス国防長官は6日、西部カリフォルニア州で開かれた会合で演説し、国防総省として、アメリカの国土と西半球の防衛、中国の抑止、同盟国などの負担増加、それに防衛産業基盤の強化の4つの分野について、優先的に取り組む方針を示しました。

このうち中国の抑止については、「力の均衡」を通じてインド太平洋地域での平和を築くとしています。

中国の成長を妨げる意図は無いとしつつも、それに対応できるだけの能力を同盟国とともに築き、必要に応じてこの地域に軍事力を展開できる能力を維持するとしていて、「侵略の考えさえも持たせないようにする」と述べました。

さらに、同盟国などの役割について「もはやただ乗りは許さない」と述べ、重ねて負担増を求めた上で、NATOの加盟国が国防費と関連費用の割合をあわせてGDPの5％に引き上げることを評価しました。

その上で、日本などを念頭に「インド太平洋地域の同盟国が、同様の対応を取ると楽観している」と述べ、NATOの対応をモデルとして同盟国に働きかけていく考えを強調しました。

Translation

U.S. Secretary of Defense: "We will prioritize deterring China and increasing the burden on allies."

December 7, 2025, 1:53 PM

USA

In a speech on the 6th, U.S. Secretary of Defense Hegseth outlined his intention to prioritize deterring China and increasing the burden on allies, emphasizing his intention to urge allies in the Indo-Pacific region to increase their defense spending to 5% of GDP, similar to NATO.

In a speech at a meeting held in California on the 6th, U.S. Secretary of Defense Hegseth outlined the Department of Defense's prioritization of four areas: defending the U.S. homeland and the Western Hemisphere, deterring China, increasing the burden on allies, and strengthening the defense industrial base.

Regarding deterring China, he stated that the goal would be to build peace in the Indo-Pacific region through a "balance of power."

He said that while not intending to impede China's growth, the U.S. would build sufficient capabilities with its allies to respond and maintain the ability to deploy military force in the region, when necessary, in order to "deter even the idea of invasion."

Furthermore, regarding the role of allies and others, he stated, "We will no longer tolerate free riding," and praised NATO member states for raising their combined defense and related expenditures to 5% of GDP, after repeatedly requesting them to increase their burden.

He then stated, with Japan and other countries in mind, "I am optimistic that our allies in the Indo-Pacific region will take a similar approach," and emphasized his intention to urge allies to use NATO's response as a model.

So, the U.S. has outlined its intention to prioritize deterring China. Apparently, militarily, this is going to be achieved by increasing the burden on its Asian allies and strengthening the US defense industrial base. Economically, the Trump administration is using a tariff war to check China’s trade balance with the US.

China Sends Second Letter to UN on Prime Minister's Response Regarding the "Taiwan Emergency" - Japan Refutes again

Recently NHK News on-line reported the following:

「台湾有事」めぐる首相答弁 中国 国連へ再び書簡 日本再反論

2025年12月5日午前9時06分

(2025年12月5日午前10時45分更新)

日中関係

中国が高市総理大臣のいわゆる「台湾有事」をめぐる国会答弁の撤回を求めて、国連の事務総長に2回目の書簡を送ったことを受け、日本は中国側の主張は事実に反すると改めて反論するとともに、「日本は冷静に対応する」とする書簡を事務総長に提出しました。

高市総理大臣のいわゆる「台湾有事」をめぐる国会答弁について、中国の傅聡国連大使は、答弁の撤回を求める書簡を11月21日、国連のグテーレス事務総長に送りました。

これに対し日本は11月24日に反論する書簡を提出しましたが、中国側は1日、「日本は責任転嫁を図っている」などと批判し、答弁の撤回を求める2回目の書簡を事務総長に送りました。

これを受けて日本の山崎国連大使は4日、「中国側の主張は事実に反し、根拠に欠けるものだ」と改めて反論する書簡をグテーレス事務総長に提出しました。

書簡は「日本は今後も平和を愛する国家」として国際社会に貢献していくと強調したうえで、「日本は引き続き対話を通じて冷静に対応していく方針だ」としています。

提出された書簡は国連の全加盟国に回覧されることになっています。

木原官房長官「わが国の立場は一貫している」

木原官房長官は閣議のあとの記者会見で「書簡を再度発出し、事実に反する中国側の主張に対して、日本政府としてしっかり反論、発信を行ったと報告を受けた。今般の国会でのやり取りを含めて、わが国の立場は一貫しており、中国に対しても繰り返し伝えている。引き続き適切に対応していく」と述べました。

Translation

China Sends Second Letter to UN on Prime Minister's Response Regarding the "Taiwan Emergency" - Japan Refutes

December 5, 2025, 9:06 AM

Japan, in connection with China's second letter to the UN Secretary-General demanding the retraction of Prime Minister Takaichi's Diet discussion regarding the so-called "Taiwan emergency”, once again refuted China's assertions, arguing that these assertions were factually incorrect, and submitted a letter to the Secretary-General stating that "Japan will respond calmly."

On November 21, China's UN Ambassador Fu Cong (傅聡) sent a letter to UN Secretary-General Guterres demanding the retraction of Prime Minister Takaichi's Diet answer regarding the so-called "Taiwan emergency."

As a response, Japan submitted a letter of rebuttal on November 24. However, China sent a second letter to the Secretary-General on the 1st, criticizing Japan for "attempting to shift the blame" and demanding that Japan to retract its Diet reply.

In response to China’s second letter, Japan's UN Ambassador Yamazaki (山崎) submitted a new letter to Secretary-General Guterres on the 4th, stating that "China’s assertions are contrary to the facts and lack of basis."

The letter emphasized that "Japan will continue to contribute to the international community as a peace-loving nation," and stated that "Japan will continue to respond calmly through dialogue."

The submitted letter would be circulated to all UN member states.

Chief Cabinet Secretary Kihara(木原): "Our country's position is consistent."

In a press conference following the Cabinet meeting, Chief Cabinet Secretary Kihara (木原) stated, "I was informed that the Japanese government has issued another letter and firmly refuted and communicated the factually unfounded claims made by the Chinese side. Including the recent exchanges in the Diet, our country's position has been consistent, and we have repeatedly conveyed this to China. We will continue to respond appropriately."

So, in connection with China's second letter to the UN Secretary-General demanding the retraction of Prime Minister Takaichi's Diet response about the so-called "Taiwan emergency" comments, Japan once again refuted China's assertions. Apparently, the argument between Japan and China will continue for some time.

特朗普簽署新台灣法，台灣歡呼，中國不滿

Recently Google News on-line picked up the following:

Taiwan cheered, China upset after Trump signs new Taiwan legislation into law

By Reuters - Reporting by Ben Blanchard and Joe Cash; Editing by Michael Perry

December 3, 20254:04 PM GMT+8Updated December 3, 2025

TAIPEI/BEIJING, Dec 3 (Reuters) - Taiwan expressed thanks and China was upset on Wednesday after President Donald Trump signed into law legislation requiring the U.S. State Department to regularly review and update guidelines on how the United States officially interacts with Taipei.

The United States is Taiwan's most important international backer despite the lack of formal diplomatic ties, and the issue is a constant source of irritation in Sino-U.S. relations given Beijing views the democratically-governed island as its own.

In 2021 under the first Trump administration, then Secretary of State Mike Pompeo lifted restrictions on contacts between U.S. officials and their Taiwanese counterparts, put in place after Washington recognised Beijing in 1979.

The Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act, which Trump signed into law on Tuesday, says the U.S. State Department should carry out reviews of contacts with Taiwan no less than once every five years.

The law "affirms the value of U.S. interaction with Taiwan, supports closer Taiwan-U.S. relations, and stands as a firm symbol of our shared values of democracy, freedom, and respect for human rights", Taiwan Presidential Office spokesperson Karen Kuo said in a statement.

Taiwan Foreign Minister Lin Chia-lung told reporters more frequent reviews of the guidelines would allow Taiwanese officials into federal agencies for meetings, for example, though the legislation does not make explicit mention of this.

In Beijing, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said China firmly opposes any form of official contact between the United States and "the Taiwan region of China".

"The Taiwan question is the core of China's core interests and the first red line that must not be crossed in China–U.S. relations," he added.

The United States should exercise "the utmost prudence in handling the Taiwan question, to stop all official interactions between the U.S. and Taiwan, and not to send any wrong signals to 'Taiwan independence' separatist forces", Lin said.

Taiwan's government rejects China's territorial claims and says it has a right to freely engage with countries around the world.

Translation

特朗普簽署新台灣法，台灣歡呼，中國不滿

台北/北京，12月3日（路透社）- 週三，美國總統特朗普簽署了一項法案，要求美國國務院定期審查和更新美國與台北官方互動方式的指導方針。此舉引發台灣的感謝，而中國則感到不滿。

儘管台灣與美國沒有正式外交關係，但美國仍是台灣最重要的國際支持者。鑑於北京將這個民主治理的島嶼視為其領土的一部分，台灣問題一直是中美關係中持續的摩擦點。

2021年，在特朗普第一任期內，時任國務卿蓬佩奧取消了美國官員與台灣官員接觸的限制。這些限制是在華盛頓於1979年承認北京後實施的。

特朗普週二簽署生效的《台灣保證實施法》規定，美國國務院應至少每五年對與台灣的接觸情況進行一次審查。

台灣總統府發言人Karen Kuo在聲明中表示，該法「肯定了美台互動的重要性，支持加強台美關係，並成為我們共同的民主、自由和尊重人權價值的堅定象徵」。

台灣外交部長Lin Chia-lung告訴記者，更頻繁地審查這些準則將允許台灣官員進入聯邦機構進行會晤等，儘管該法案並未明確提及這一點。

在北京，中國外交部發言人Lin Jian表示，中方堅決反對美國與「中國台灣地區」進行任何形式的官方接觸。

他補充道:「台灣問題是中國核心利益的核心，也是中美關係中不容逾越的第一條紅線」。

Lin表示，美國在處理台灣問題上應「極度謹慎，停止美台一切官方往來，不要向『台獨』分裂勢力發出任何錯誤訊號」。

台灣當局拒絕承認中國的領土主張，並表示有權與世界各國自由交往。

              So, Donald Trump has signed into law legislation requiring the U.S. State Department to regularly review and update guidelines on how the United States officially interacts with Taipei. Taiwan presumes that more frequent reviews of the guidelines would allow Taiwanese officials into federal agencies for meetings, for example. Apparently, in the calculation of the US, Taiwan has a key role to play in checking mainland China.

Six Types of Sugars Detected in Asteroid Sand Brought Back by NASA Probe

Recently NHK News on-line reported the following:

NASAの探査機が持ち帰った小惑星の砂から6種類の糖を検出

2025年12月2日午後7時02分

宇宙

NASA＝アメリカ航空宇宙局の探査機が地球に持ち帰った小惑星の砂から6種類の糖を検出したと、日本などの国際研究グループが発表しました。見つかった糖のうち「リボース」はRNAを構成する分子で、研究グループは、宇宙に生命の材料となる糖が存在し、地球に降り注いでいたことを示す結果だとしています。

日本とアメリカの国際研究グループは、NASAの探査機が太陽系の小惑星「ベンヌ」から地球に持ち帰った砂などのサンプルのうちおよそ0.6グラムを分析し、6種類の糖を検出しました。

このうち、「リボース」は遺伝情報を伝えるRNAを構成する分子で、「グルコース」は生命のエネルギー源となる分子として知られています。

研究グループによりますと、この小惑星のサンプルからは、これまでに、たんぱく質の材料になる「アミノ酸」や、DNAとRNAに使われる5種類の「核酸塩基」が検出されていましたが、糖が検出されたのは初めてです。

一方で、こうした糖の一部は地球上に落下した隕石（いんせき）からも検出された例があります。 

こうしたことから研究グループは、宇宙に生命の材料となる物質が存在し、それらが隕石によって地球にもたらされたという仮説を強く裏付ける結果だとしています。

研究グループの東北大学大学院理学研究科の古川善博准教授は「宇宙から生命の材料が来ていたことがより確実になった。宇宙から来た材料で生命ができたのか、地球での化学反応で生命の材料ができたのかはまだ分からず、さらに研究していきたい」と話しています。

「生命の起源」の元となる物質は宇宙から？それとも地球？

「生命の起源」の元となる物質が宇宙から来たのか、それとも地球でできたのかは、今も議論が続いています。

惑星科学に詳しい東京科学大学地球生命研究所の関根康人教授は、「地球外から来た材料物質が生命の誕生にどれぐらい寄与したのかは現時点ではっきりとは分からない」としています。

関根教授によりますと、生命の起源の元となる物質が原始の地球にどれくらいあったのかは当時の大気の化学組成によって大きく変わってくるということです。

大気の組成が生命の材料物質ができるのに適さなかった場合は、隕石などによる地球外からの材料物質の供給が相対的に重要になるとしています。

関根教授は小惑星のサンプルから糖を検出した今回の研究成果について、「われわれの生命の元となるもののでき方、生命のレシピを明らかにする研究をこれからやる必要がある」と話していました。

Translation

Six Types of Sugars Detected in Asteroid Sand Brought Back by NASA Probe

An international research group, including researchers from Japan, announced that they had detected six types of sugars in asteroid sand brought back to Earth by a NASA = National Aeronautics and Space Administration probe. Among the sugars found was ribose which was a molecule that made up RNA. The research group believed this result indicated that sugars, the building blocks of life, existed in space and had rained down to Earth.

An international research group from Japan and the United States analyzed approximately 0.6 grams of sand and other samples brought back to Earth by a NASA probe from the solar system asteroid Bennu and detected six types of sugars.

Of these, ribose was a molecule that makes up RNA, which transmitted genetic information, and glucose was known as a molecule that served as an energy source for life.

According to the research group, amino acids, the building blocks of proteins, and five types of “nucleic acid bases” used in DNA and RNA had previously been detected in this asteroid sample, but this was the first time that sugars was detected.

However, there were incidents that some of these sugars had also been detected in meteorites that fell to Earth.

The research group stated that these results strongly supported the hypothesis that materials that could lead to life had existed in space and were brought to Earth by meteorites.

Associate Professor Yoshihiro Furukawa (古川善博) of the Tohoku University Graduate School of Science and member of the research group, said, "We are now more certain that the materials for life came from space. We still don't know whether life was created from materials that came from space, or whether the materials for life were created through chemical reactions on Earth, so we would like to conduct further research."

Did the material that formed the origin of life come from space? Or Earth?

Debate continued as to whether the material that formed “the origin of life” came from space or was created on Earth.

Professor Yasuto Sekine (関根康人) of the Earth-Life Science Institute at Tokyo University of Science, who specialized in planetary science, said, "At this point, we cannot clearly determine to what extent materials that came from outside Earth contributed to the birth of life."

According to Professor Sekine, the amount of material that could be the origin of life appeared on primordial Earth depended greatly on the chemical composition of the atmosphere at the time.

If the composition of the atmosphere was not suitable for the formation of the materials for life, then the supply of materials from outside the Earth, such as through meteorites, would become relatively important.

Regarding the results of this research, which detected sugars in asteroid samples, Professor Sekine said, "We need to continue research to uncover how the materials that gave us life are formed, and the recipe for life."

              So, an international research group has announced that they detect six types of sugars in asteroid sand brought back to Earth by NASA. Among the sugars found is ribose which is a molecule that made up RNA. The research group believes this result indicated that sugars, the building blocks of life, all along has existed in space and may have rained down to Earth previously. Apparently, this is an interesting discovery that may help find out whether “the origin of life” came from space or was created on Earth.

大學生湧向人工智能新專業（2/2）

College Students Flock to a New Major: A.I. (2/2)

At M.I.T., a new program called “artificial intelligence and decision-making” is now the second-most-popular undergraduate major.

The NYT - By Natasha Singer (Natasha Singer covers computer science and A.I. education.)

Dec. 1, 2025

(continue)

Over the past 15 years, the boom in smartphones and social media, along with industry promises of high-paying tech jobs, helped fuel college enrollments in computing. Nearly 173,000 undergraduates majored in computer science in the spring of 2024, compared with about 65,000 students a decade earlier, according to the Computing Research Association, a nonprofit that gathers data annually from about 200 universities.

But this fall, 62 percent of computing programs reported undergraduate enrollment declines, according to a report in October from the Computing Research Association.

One reason for the dip: student employment concerns.

Some large tech companies are laying off thousands of workers, and recent computing graduates say they have faced increased challenges in landing tech jobs this year. Companies like Amazon have also begun asking their software engineers to use A.I. tools that can write code, potentially reducing the need for junior programmers.

Among 133 computing programs participating in the Computing Research Association report, 66 percent somewhat or strongly agreed that computing majors who graduated this year were having difficulty getting jobs.

“It’s a noticeable difference,” said Andy Meneely, the undergraduate program director for software engineering at the Rochester Institute of Technology, “especially when I see really good students struggling to get a job.”

While computer science enrollment generally declined this year, many schools reported increased enrollment in subfields like A.I. Tracy Camp, the executive director of the Computing Research Association, called the shift “a new era for computing degrees becoming more specialized.”

That’s true of the A.I. major at U.C. San Diego, which is based in the department of computer science and engineering. As part of the program, the university developed two new courses in the foundations of A.I. and machine learning. Students must also take advanced math and grapple with the social impacts of emerging technologies, said Mia Minnes, the university’s vice chair for undergraduate computer science education.

Ms. Banga, the first-year student there, said her siblings were initially skeptical of her chosen degree program.

“They were like: ‘What? There’s a major called A.I.? No way!’” she said. “But my dad is in the tech business, and he was really happy.”

Translation

大學生湧向人工智能新專業（2/2）

在麻省理工學院，一個名為「人工智能與決策」的新課程如今已成為第二大熱門本科專業。

（繼續）

過去15年，智能型手機和社交媒體的蓬勃發展，以及科技業對高薪工作的承諾，推動了大學電腦專業的入學人數增長。根據電腦研究協會（Computing Research Association）的數據顯示，2024年春季，近17.3萬名本科生主修電腦科學，而十年前這一數字約為6.5萬人。該協會是一家非營利組織，每年從約200所大學收集數據。

但根據電腦研究協會10月發布的報告，今年秋季，62%的電腦專業課程稱報讀大學生人數出現下降。

導致人數下降的原因之一是：學生就業出路問題。

一些大型科技公司正在裁員數千人，而近期電腦專業的畢業生表示，今年他們在尋找科技工作方面面臨更大的挑戰。像亞馬遜這樣的公司也開始要求其軟體工程師使用能夠編寫程式碼的人工智能工具，這可能會減少對初級程式設計師的需求。

在參與電腦研究協會報告的133個電腦專業課程中，66%的課程在某種程度上認同, 或強烈認同今年電腦專業畢業生就業困難。

羅徹斯特理工學院軟件工程本科課程主任Andy Meneely說:“這是一個顯著的變化”，“尤其是我看到一些非常優秀的學生都在苦苦尋找工作。”

雖然今年電腦科學專業的入學人數總體下降，但許多學校報告稱，人工智能等細分領域的入學人數有所增加。電腦研究協會執行董事 Tracy Camp 將這種轉變稱為「電腦學位專業化的新時代」。

加州聖地牙哥大學的人工智能專業就是如此, 把電腦科學系與工程系課程作為學習人工智能基礎。作為該課程基礎的一部分，該大學開發了人工智能和機器學習兩門新的班別。本科電腦科學教育副主任Mia Minnes表示，學生還必須學習高等數學，並深入探討新興科技帶來的社會影響。

該校一年級學生Banga女士說，她的兄弟姐妹最初對她選擇的專業持懷疑態度。

她說道:“他們當時說： ‘什麼？有個專業叫人工智能？不可能吧！’”，“但我爸爸是做科技行業的，他非常高興。”

              So, artificial intelligence is the hot new college major. This semester, more than 3,000 students enrolled in a new college of artificial intelligence and cybersecurity at the University of South Florida in Tampa. One reason for the changes is that students have employment concerns. Apparently, AI is affecting the choice of university students in deciding their major area of study.