Recently I have read the following book. Its main points are:
Book
title: Ryang, Sonia. North Koreans in Japan. Boulder,
Colo.: Westview Press, 1997.
Main
points:
- ch. 4 –
(The structure of coexistence) – what had be emphasized that just as the
Japanese government lacked the perspective on Koreans as resident aliens, so
Chongryun defined Koreans in Japan as overseas nationals of north Korea, not as
citizens of Japan. Chongryun’s self-identification as overseas organization of
north Korea coincided with its break with the Japanese Communist party. (115)
- by establishing it new identity, Chongryun
successfully avoided being drafted into assisting the revolution on a foreign
land. Because of its political
opposition to the south Korean regime and its loyalty to the North, it required
a specific political identity by labeling its members as overseas nationals of
north Korean, even though the majority of its members came form southern
Korea.(115)
- “although the Japanese government and Chongryun
pursue their policies separately, the effect of these polices often coincide.”
(119)
- in 1965 the Japanese government entered into
normal diplomatic relations with south Korea. In 1979, the Japanese government
ratified the international covenant on human rights. In 1981 it joined the UN
convention relating to the statue of refugees. In 1982 the Japanese Ministry of
Justice installed a new category of permanent residence called ‘exceptional
permanent resident’ for Koreans who had not been eligible to obtain permanent
resident under the 1965 treaty.
- in 1991 Japan and south Korean Ministers of Foreign
Affairs signed a memorandum putting into effect various reforms to the alien
registration law and the immigration control act: fingerprint was abolished. Improvements
were made with regard to civil right. In 1992 all Korean permanent resident, including
most Chongryun Koreans, were made ‘special permanent residents’. Chongryun
Korean thus became eligible to apply for various social benefits. (125)
- when the legal status of Chongryun Korean was
extremely uncertain in the 1950s and 1960s, Chongryun’s identify was relatively
stable. During the 1970s it could fortify itself as an organization following
Kim II Sung’s idea of juche. Today the
state-centered identity of Chongryun as an organization of overseas nationals
of North Korean clearly remained in it official discourse. (127)
- generational difference within Chongryun were
increasingly coming to the surface. Things that the first generation took for
granted were not necessarily so for the second generation and definitely not so
for the third and fourth generations. (128)
- ch. 5 –
(Hesitation and transition) -for Chongryun Koreans, their Korean identity meant
primarily a north Korean political identity, but they adjusted and readjusted
it depending on the political conditions. Individuals had their own ways of
adapting, sometimes re-ordering their memory, as did the first-generation
Korean, and sometimes quickly switching between two different modes of
existence, as did the third generation schoolchildren. (140)
- on 7 July 1994 Kim II Sung died, Ae-son a female
Chongryun Korean could not stop crying. She was sad because she felt she had
not always fulfilled her duty to the great leader. She was sad because she could
not bring about the reunification while the great leader was alive. (144)
- out of the author’s numerous visits to Chongryun
schools, one of the most interesting incident was an open hours where she could
observe the interaction between parents and teachers. There was certain regularity in the languages
they chose. On the one hand, if both the husband and wife or one of them worked
for Chongryun, their conversion would be in formal Korean. On the other and, if
they were not involved with Chongryun on a professional level, their
conversation in public would normally be in Japanese. (151)
- as we look at this shift in language, it was not our
concern to ask the speaker’s motivation.
The point was, rather, to view the shift as a practice or a series of practices
closely related to identity constitution. In the case of Chongryun Koreans at
least, the process of the language shift itself was already part of their Chongryun
Korean identification; going from Japanese to Korean or vice versa was how they
lead the Chongryun lifestyle.(152)
- in other words, in this case identity could not be
the essence; it is the process of identification that matters. And what enabled
such a process in ordinary day-to-day life was language use – not the languages
as it was but the act of using the language. (152)
- habitus
alone cannot explain the transitional (changeable) state of social process; it
could not answer the question how social individuals coped with reality. The
first generation could stick to the old language. The third generation was
flexible; their performative skill would enable them to shift. The second
generation was somewhere in between, caused by the transitional nature of their
identity.
(to be continued)
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