Recently I have read the following book, its main points are:
Book
title: Denny Roy. 2003. Taiwan:
a political history. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.
Main
points:
- this book seeks to tell Taiwan’s story in a way that
would illumine the origin of Taiwan’s present domestic and international
political situation (p.2).
- chapter 1
talks about Taiwan’s early history. The people who became known as the
Taiwanese came to Taiwan to get away from conditions in China. This was the
beginning of Taiwan’s divergence from the mainland in social, economic, and
political development. From here foreign influence would play an important role
as well – first the Dutch and then the japans (p.31). While growing within China’s
shadow, Taiwan remained distinct from China.
- chapter 2
talks about the Japanese occupation.
- chapter 3
talks about the return of Taiwan to mainland rule in 1945. Mainlanders had
regarded the Taiwanese as semi feudal Chinese. Five decades of Japanese
influence created suspicion about the depth of Chinese patriotism on Taiwan (p.56).
- Taiwanese had a different interpretation of the significance of the Japanese colonial period. While
they resented the discrimination and restrictions on their political power, many
Taiwanese also believed Japanese rule had helped Taiwan’s advance economically,
politically, and socially. Taiwanese had their own sense of superiority. As
some Taiwanese had reminded the mainlanders, it was the Chinese government that
had given Taiwan to Japan in the first place (p.57).
- chapter 4
talks about the martial law and Kuomintang domination. The KMT’s fixation on recovering
China had contradictory consequence for Taiwan. On the one hand, the ROC
government required Taiwan people’s dedication and sacrifice; on the other
hand, the KMT believed that successfully implementation the ‘Three principles
of the people’ in Taiwan could serve as a model of KMT rule and weaken support
for the CCP on the mainland. Thus doing
well in Taiwan would help KMT win back China (p.79).
- Despite the harsh treatment of some political
offenders, the combination of modest political reforms began to gain the KMT
some legitimacy in the eyes of many Taiwanese (p.104).
- chapters 5
talks about Taiwan in the Cold War. The outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950
convinced key US policymakers that the contest with the Sino-Soviet bloc had
entered a new, more intense phase. In Truman’s word ‘the attack upon Korea
makes it plain beyond all doubts that Communism has passed beyond the use of
subversion to conquer independent nation’ (p.112).
- Truman saw the Korean War as a temporary setback to
US-China relations and expected to return to their prewar policy of
accommodating China (p.124).
- Tokyo
remained torn between the need to get along with the PRC, and the affinity of
many Japanese for Taiwan based on ties of history and ideology (p.129).
- during the PRC’s Cultural Revolution (1967-77),
Taipei answered with a movement called
the Cultural Renaissance, which reaffirmed Sun Yat-sen’s ‘Three principles of
the people’ as the basis of Chinese society (p.144).
- the events of the Cold War and the Chinese civil war
melded together partially but not completely. There was considerable tension
between KMT and the US in the context of American Cold War strategy (p.150).
- it was hard to dispute that American discouragement
of KMT’s planned ‘return to the mainland’ was in Taiwan’s best interest at
least in the short term. The US continued to provide weaponry to Taiwan (p.151).
- Chapter 6
talks about the struggle of the Taiwanese for political reform and freedom. The
ruling KMT conservatives worried that liberalization would make Taiwan more
vulnerable to separatism or communist subversion (p.154).
- the opposition party DPP members made their public
speeches in the Taiwanese dialect rather than in mandarin. DPP adopted a
program with the basic goal that included self-determination of Taiwan’s
political status trough plebiscite and rejoining the UN (p.173).
- chapter 7
talks about Taiwan under Lee Teng-hui. KMT’s evolution through the 1980s saw
the beginning of a deep division; the most important fault lines involved the
perennial struggle between Taiwanese and mainlanders (p.184).
- strategically, international connections and
recognition could enhance Taiwan’s security. By strengthening its membership in
the international community through economic, culture etc., Taiwan became more
eligible to the protection offered by international norm (p.212).
- by and large Taiwanese preferred to wait rather than
commit to either unification with China or independence. President Lee said
‘Most Taiwan resident have a fluid and ambivalent national identity’ (p.213).
- disagreement over the one-China principle was an
obstacle to cross-strait talks between CCP and KMT. In 1992, negotiators for
Taiwan and China agreed to shelve this tough political issue. Subsequently, a
controversy developed over whether the two sides had reached a ‘consensus’ that
they could hold differing interpretations of the one-China principle (p.219).
- chapter 8 talks
about how the DPP captured the presidency. The trends of Taiwanese empowerment
and weakening of the KMT culminated in the election of DPP candidate Chen
Shui-bian as the president in March 2000 (p.227). The DPP’s successes when Taiwan
entered a new century underscored the two main themes of Taiwan’s recent
political history: democratization and the persistence of tensions with China
(p.239).
- Chapter 9
concludes that this survey of Taiwan’s political history sought to aid
comprehension of the island’s unusual present-day political circumstance. One
peculiarity was that two distinct ‘Chinese’ government claim over the ownership
of Taiwan (p.241). At issue was not only the question of which Chinese government
had rightful claim to Taiwan, but also the possibility that Taiwan might reject
both and opted instead for political separation from China. Taiwan had not made
up its own mind. The identity of Taiwan’s people as a whole remained unsettled
(p.242). While recognizing their cultural and genealogical roots in China,
Taiwanese were particularly reticent toward the notion of to be ruled by mainland
Chinese. Chinese in Taiwan took Taiwan’s handover to Japan in 1895 as a sell
out by the central government. The US and China faced the prospect of a war
over Taiwan that neither side wanted. China was committed to attack Taiwan
under certain circumstances while the US was committed to defend Taiwan under
certain circumstances
(p.243).
Book’s idea in one paragraph: this book tells Taiwan’s story in
a way that would illumine the origin of Taiwan’s present domestic and
international political situation (p.2). By and large Taiwanese preferred to wait
rather than commit to either unification with China or independence. Most
Taiwan residents have a fluid and ambivalent national identity (p.213) and the identity of Taiwan’s people as a whole remained
unsettled (p.242). While recognizing their cultural and genealogical
roots in China, Taiwanese were particularly reticent toward the notion of being
ruled by mainland Chinese.
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